THE FOUR FREEDOMS

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress :

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment

unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word

"unprecedented" because at no previous time has american

security been as seriously threatened from without as it is

today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the

constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our

history have related to our domestic affairs. and,

fortunately, only one of these --the four-year war between

the states --ever threatened our national unity. today,

thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have

forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has

been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even

engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of

undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and

in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and

for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has

a serious threat been raised against our national safety or

our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united

states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition

--clear, definite opposition-- to any attempt to lock us in

behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of

civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and

of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for

ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, extending over all these years,

was proved, for example, in the early days during the

quarter century of wars following the french revolution.

while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the

united states because of the french foothold in the west

indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of

1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is

nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor

any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole

world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914 --ninety-nine years

--no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real

threat against our future or against the future of any other

american nation.

except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign

power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and

the strength of the british fleet in the atlantic has been a

friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1941 it seemed to

contain only small threat of danger to our own american

future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american

people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic

nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of

versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies

to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should

remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the

kind of pacification which began even before munich, and

which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny

that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against

that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way

of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every

part of the world --assailed either by arms or by secret

spreading of poisionous propaganda by those who seek to

destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still

at peace.

during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the

whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of

independent nations, great and small. and the assailants

are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and

small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional

duty to "give to the congress information of the state of

the union," i find it unhappily necessary to report that the

future and the safety of our country and of our democracy

are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our

borders.

armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly

waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the

population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa

and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us

remember that the total of those populations in those four

continents, the total of those populations and their

resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population

and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere

--yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature-- and, incidentally,

untrue-- for anybody to brag that an unprepared america,

single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can

hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can expect from a dictator's peace

international generosity, or return of true independence, or

world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of

religion-- or even good business. such a peace would bring

no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would

give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary

safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are

soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we

must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a

tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must

especially beware of that small group of selfish men who

would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to

feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern

warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack

which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win

this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and

direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as

the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists.

even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that

any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing

troops in the united states from across thousands of miles

of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which

to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in

europe-- particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential

seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up

over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not

be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic

points would be occupied by secret agents and by their

dupes-- and great numbers of them are already here and in

latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive

they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the

method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is

today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to

the congress is unique in our history. that is why every

member of the executive branch of the government and every

member of the congress face great responsibility-- great

accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy

should be devoted primarily-- almost exclusively-- to

meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems

are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been

based upon a decent respect for the rights and the dignity

of all of our fellow men within our gates, so our national

policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect

for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and

small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the

end.

our national policy is this :

first, by an impressive expression of the public will and

without regard to partisanship, we are committed to

all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive expression of the public will and

without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full

support of all those resolute people everywhere who are

resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from

our hemisphere. by this support we express our

determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and

we strengthen the defense and the security of our own

nation.

third, by an impressive expression of the public will and

without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the

proposition that principle of morality and considerations

for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a

peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we

know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of

other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial

difference between the two great parties in respect to that

national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before

the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident

that american citizens everywhere are demanding and

supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of

obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving

increase in our armament production. leaders of industry

and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed

have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached

ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other

cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some

cases-- and, i am sorry to say, very important cases-- we

are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of

our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress

during the past year. actual experience is improving and

speeding up our methods of production with every passing

day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men

in charge of the program represent the best in training, in

ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the

progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until

the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too

low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations :

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable

problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are

working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime

production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime

production of implements of war is no small task. the

greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program,

when new tools, new plant facilities, new assembly lines,

new shipways must first be constructed before the actual

material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at

all times of the progress of the program. however, there is

certain information, as the congress itself will readily

recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and

those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs

be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our

safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new

appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have

begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds

sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war

supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations

which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our

most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for

them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower,

but they do need billions of dollars' worth of the weapons

of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them

all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them

that they must surrender merely because of present inability

to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with

which to pay for these weapons-- a loan to be repaid in

dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those

nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united

states, fitting their orders into our own program. and

nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came,

be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities,

considering what is best for our own security, we are free

to decide how much should be kept here and how much should

be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and

heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready

our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a

reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid

in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of

many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies : "we americans are vitally

concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth

our energies, our resources and our organizing powers to

give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world.

we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes,

tanks, guns. that is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by

the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach

of international law or as an act of war our aid to the

democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid

is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally

proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators --if the dictators-- are ready to

make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on

our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands

to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new

one-way international law which lacks mutuality in its

observance and therefore becomes an instrument of

oppression. the happiness of future generations of

americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate

we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact

character of the emergency situations that we may be called

upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the

nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the

sacrifices that the emergency --almost as serious as war

itself-- demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and

efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time,

must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from

all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the

leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the

lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but

within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or

trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by

patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty

of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by

armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those

behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and

the courage which come from unashakeable belief in the

manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action

that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of

all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from

the things which have been done to make its people conscious

of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic

life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of

our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their

devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking

about the social and economic problems which are the root

cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme

factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about

the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things expected by our people of their political

and economic systems are simple. they are :

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a

wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be

lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of

our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our

economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree

to which they fulfill these expectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for

immediate improvement. as examples :

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age

pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or

needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of

the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that

call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more

money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that

a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for

from taxation than we are paying for today. no person

should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program,

and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability

to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our

legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters,

putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their

applause.

in the future days which we seek to make secure, we look

forward to a world founded upon four essential human

freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and expression --everywhere

in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his

own way-- everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world

terms, means economic understandings which will secure to

every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants

--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into

world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to

such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation

will be in a position to commit an act of physical

aggression against any neighbor --anywhere in the wold.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite

basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and

generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of

the so-called "new order" of tyranny which the dictators

seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception --the

moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of

world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been

engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a

revolution which goes on steadily, quietly, adjusting itself

to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the

quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is

the cooperation of free countries, working together in a

friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and

hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith

in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the

supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to

those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our

strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.